By Kristine Bruland
How did small eu economies collect the applied sciences and abilities had to industrialize within the 19th century? during this vital contribution to a long-standing debate, Kristine Bruland appears on the Norwegian event to teach how a technological infrastructure was once created, and means that a lot of this was once end result of the efforts of British computer makers who from the mid 1840s vigorously sought international markets. supplying not just uncomplicated technical providers but additionally expert labour to establish after which supervise the operation of the recent equipment, British cloth engineering agencies have been in a position to provide a whole 'package' of prone, considerably easing the preliminary technical difficulties confronted by way of Norwegian marketers. Kristine Bruland's case-study of the Norwegian fabric demonstrates essentially the ambiguity that Britain's entrepreneurial efforts within the provide of capital items out of the country have been mostly answerable for the production of the technical commercial bases of a lot of her significant international rivals.
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Additional info for British Technology and European Industrialization: The Norwegian Textile Industry in the Mid-Nineteenth Century
1) the substantial growth of manufactured cotton imports to 1845 indicated the existence of a significant and growing market. 1 indicates. For such a small economy, this creation of fifty-four textile enterprises over half a century or so appears to be a very vigorous programme of enterprise formation, and suggests that Norwegian entrepreneurs grasped with alacrity the commercial and technological opportunities which opened up in the 1840s. 2 indicates. The picture, therefore, is one of a rapidly expanding industry, both in terms of output growth and of numbers of firms.
50-4. 40 Acquisition of technologies who was at that time working at the state wool manufactory at Kongsberg. Gellertsen was soon required to give up this post because of his Solberg connection. The central figure in the firm was Haavald Helseth, and all of the early partners were associated with a dissident political and religious movement whose leader, Hans Nielsen Hauge, later became a partner in the firm. According to Grieg, the firm began as a kind of cooperative, with the partners supplying their own cotton, paying to have it spun, and selling it in their own shops.
These assumptions are rarely if ever appropriate in historical analysis, and applicability of the theory is therefore sharply limited. Secondly, as a consequence of the first feature, the models analyze only the demand side of technological change, rather than the factors determining supply of new technologies, and the interaction between suppliers and potential users in determining applicability of a technique. The latter also is inappropriate for historical analysis. These critical points have been most forcefully made, perhaps, by Nathan Rosenberg.
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