By Kenneth J. Calder
In 1914 the British executive was once now not drawn to nationwide self-determination in jap Europe, yet through November 1918 it was once deeply concerned with a number of japanese eu topic nationalities and was once devoted via implication to their independence. This e-book makes an attempt to provide an explanation for this evolution in British coverage on the subject of the Poles, Czechoslovaks and Yugoslavs, the 3 most crucial topic nationalities in jap Europe. The booklet relies totally on the professional files of the British govt, that have been supplemented with fabric from inner most collections. Dr Calder argues that British coverage on nationwide self-determination built now not because of theoretical speculations yet of the wartime relatives among the govt. and the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav nationwide businesses. This e-book strains the evolution in British family with the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav nationality organisations from August 1914 to November 1918. It indicates how the preliminary contacts have been validated and the way kinfolk built steadily because the govt sought to exploit those agencies in propaganda, espionage and the formation of army devices. It makes an attempt to evaluate the results of this co-operation at the attitudes of British officers and the coverage of the govt..
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Additional resources for Britain and the Origins of the New Europe 1914-1918 (LSE Monographs in International Studies)
Since nationalism appeared to be the root of Balkan problems, the nationality principle represented a long-term political consideration. Yet when the nationality principle came into conflict with strategic necessity, the latter determined policy. Strategic considerations played a decisive role in the formation of foreign policy in part because of their own intrinsic importance and in part because of the attitude of the foreign office. It was generally assumed, particularly by Grey and Arthur Nicolson, that diplomacy in war would achieve nothing unless it was supported by favourable military action.
The Russian government would certainly oppose the Italian claim to Dalmatia, and the solidarity of the Entente necessitated at least some support for the Russian position. If a Balkan league was to be created by the application of the nationality principle and the transformation of a Serbian state into a Yugoslav state, the nationality principle could not be so openly violated by giving Yugoslav territory such as Dalmatia to Italy. It would hardly induce the Serbian government to make concessions to Bulgaria.
Strategic considerations played a decisive role in the formation of foreign policy in part because of their own intrinsic importance and in part because of the attitude of the foreign office. It was generally assumed, particularly by Grey and Arthur Nicolson, that diplomacy in war would achieve nothing unless it was supported by favourable military action. In practice, this assumption led to the adjustment of diplomacy to strategy. Foreign policy was determined not by long-term political considerations, but by immediate strategic necessity.
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