By William Barney
A better half to 19th-Century America is an authoritative evaluation of present historiographical advancements and significant issues within the background of nineteenth-century the USA. Twenty-seven students, all experts of their personal thematic parts, learn the most important debates and historiography. A thematic and chronological association brings jointly the key time sessions, politics, the Civil warfare, economic system, and social and cultural heritage of the 19th century. Written with the overall reader in brain, each one essay surveys the historic study, the rising issues, and assesses the longer term path of scholarship.
- Complete insurance of the entire significant issues and present debates in nineteenth-century US background assessing the kingdom of the scholarship and destiny issues.
- 24 unique essays via major specialists in nineteenth-century American heritage whole with up to date bibliographies.
- Chronological and thematic association covers either conventional and modern fields of analysis - politics, classes, economic system, classification formation, ethnicity, gender roles, areas, tradition and ideas.
Chapter One Early nationwide Politics and gear, 1800–1824 (pages 5–18): Robert M. S. McDonald
Chapter The Jacksonian period, 1825–1844 (pages 19–32): Jonathan Atkins
Chapter 3 The Sectionalization of Politics, 1845–1860 (pages 33–46): John Ashworth
Chapter 4 Civil conflict and Reconstruction, 1861–1877 (pages 47–60): Vernon Burton
Chapter 5 The Gilded Age, 1878–1900 (pages 61–72): Robert W. Cherny and William L. Barney
Chapter Six American legislations within the 19th Century (pages 73–85): John E. Semonche
Chapter Seven American growth, 1800–1867 (pages 89–103): John M. Belohlavek
Chapter 8 the worldwide Emergence of the U.S., 1867–1900 (pages 104–117): Eric Rauchway
Chapter 9 The Emergence of a industry financial system prior to 1860 (pages 119–138): Stanley L. Engerman and Robert E. Gallman
Chapter Ten Industrialization and the increase of businesses, 1860–1900 (pages 139–151): David B. Sicilia
Chapter 11 Urbanization (pages 152–163): Timothy J. Gilfoyle
Chapter Twelve the improvement of the operating sessions (pages 164–177): Kevin Kenny
Chapter 13 The Evolution of the center category (pages 178–191): Cindy S. Aron
Chapter Fourteen African american citizens (pages 193–208): Donald R. Wright
Chapter Fifteen Native?American heritage (pages 209–222): Michael D. eco-friendly and Theda Perdue
Chapter 16 Gender and the altering Roles of girls (pages 223–237): Laura F. Edwards
Chapter Seventeen Immigration and Ethnicity (pages 238–254): Nora Faires
Chapter Eighteen The South: From previous to New (pages 255–271): Stephen W. Berry
Chapter Nineteen the center West (pages 272–285): Andrew R. L. Cayton
Chapter Twenty The Relational West (pages 286–300): Molly P. Rozum
Chapter Twenty?One The Communications Revolution and pop culture (pages 301–316): David Hochfelder
Chapter Twenty?Two studying American faith (pages 317–333): Catherine A. Brekus
Chapter Twenty?Three technological know-how and expertise (pages 334–344): Alan I. Marcus
Chapter Twenty?Four A History/Historiography of Representations of the USA (pages 345–358): Barbara Groseclose
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Extra resources for A Companion to 19th-Century America
In an era of increasing commercialism and liberal individualism, Meyers contended, Jacksonian society was ``caught between the elements'' of opportunities for economic advancement and the ideal of a simple, agrarian, yeoman republic. ``Americans were boldly liberal in economic affairs . . But they were not inwardly prepared for the grinding uncertainties, the shocking changes, the complexity and indirection of the new economic ways'' (Meyers, 1957: 11). Democratic campaigns directed these unspoken anxieties against a ``money power'' ± that is, those who gained their wealth through ``financial manipulation and special privilege'' (1957: 23) ± and destroyed the Bank of the United States because they blamed it for ``the transgressions committed by the people of their era against the political, social, and economic value of the Old Republic'' (1957: 11).
In other words, we are back to the (unresolved) question of the origins and function of anti-slavery sentiment. Other objections are equally applicable. We need to ask whether the debate over the West actually propelled the struggle over slavery or was instead merely the channel along which these irresistible currents of controversy happened to flow. There is much evidence to suggest the latter. For although the West was the obvious and most conspicuous site for this struggle, it was not the only one.
Every one sees and no one is astonished at, [and] it seldom occurs to any one to place upon record''' (1983: 4). Their emphasis on the cultural aspect of politics made once seemingly irrational movements, like the Antimasonic party, understandable as serious expressions of popular concerns. Likewise, their revelation of the ethnic and religious sources of party division opened for historians the grass roots world of the once seemingly silent voter. By directing attention away from the legislative halls to the hustings, however, the contributions of the new political historians threatened the subject of Jacksonian THE JACKSONIAN ERA 25 politics itself.
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